What is happening in the Uttar Pradesh BJP in connection with the assembly elections is actually a struggle between two seemingly different forms of Hindutva sponsored by its two heroes. It is clear from the removal of Yogi Adityanath from Ayodhya that Modi-sponsored Hindutva, which has been defeated by Yogi’s aggression in the state, is now preparing to play openly.
Given the ‘media hype’ given by the Bharatiya Janata Party and its supporters over the prospects of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath contesting the assembly elections from Ayodhya or Mathura, it is only natural that Yogi will face voters from his hometown Gorakhpur. Not only are uncomfortable questions being asked for him about being asked to, but as many things have been said about him.
Ironically, in this affair, the moral brilliance being added to his election campaign is also being tarnished by saying that he is the first chief minister in the last eighteen years to seek a direct mandate for himself.
Earlier in 2003, when Mulayam Singh Yadav, the then Samajwadi Party MP from Mainpuri became the Chief Minister, he contested the by-election by vacating the Gunnaur assembly seat in Sambhal district and won by a record one lakh eighty three thousand votes. But since then all the Chief Ministers till Yogi have been running their business by getting membership of the Legislative Council without distinction of party and ideology or through indirect elections.
However, in the situation now, SP supremo Akhilesh Yadav, who was ousted by the BJP in the 2017 assembly elections, who was ousted and made Yogi the Chief Minister, thanking the BJP for the strong rivalry, it is right to taunt it. He says that before the SP defeated the election and sent Yogi to Gorakhpur i.e. his house, he had sent it.
But great difficulty has come in front of that section of the media, which was counting the benefits of contesting from Ayodhya till the BJP’s announcement of making Yogi its candidate from Gorakhpur and is now telling its audience, listeners and readers their Ayodhya. Counting the damages that can be done to both him and the BJP by fighting with him.
Where are the poor journalists being sacrificed since the time of Yogi’s guru Avaidyanath on the integral relationship between his Gorakshapeeth and the movement for the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya ‘there’ and now the number of visits made by Yogi to Ayodhya since becoming the Chief Minister does not tell. Were tired, as well as claiming that as soon as he filed his nomination papers from Ayodhya, the prospects of the BJP would skyrocket in the entire Purvanchal and it would make up for the loss of some possible seats in western Uttar Pradesh due to the farmers’ agitation and where now? Dravid is doomed to do Pranayama to justify Yogi’s fight with Gorakhpur.
To put it in the latest words of these journalists, despite Ayodhya being a Hindutva-dominated assembly seat since the time of the Jana Sangh, the way its caste equation was opposite to that of Yogi, the displeasure of the people of one caste towards him was becoming vocal and the way After his ticket is cut from here, those businessmen are celebrating happiness, who are on the verge of losing their bread and bread and being displaced due to the development plans of their government to bring down Tretayug in Ayodhya, in view of that Yogi’s fight from Gorakhpur. The decision is better.
However, these journalists are reluctant to answer the question whether becoming Ranchod due to the adverse caste equations of Ayodhya is not a pre-poll defeat of Yogi’s aggressive Hindutva, which he claims to be a member of?
Many ‘knowledgeable’ journalists are now not even hesitant to describe Ayodhya as wretched for their rulers to prove Gorakhpur better than Ayodhya for Yogi. Even if the BJP has got the full happiness of power even at the center due to the Ram temple issue of Ayodhya.
Many of them are going to go ahead and claim that in fact, Yogi has gone to Gorakhpur to teach a lesson to Swami Prasad Maurya, the leader of those who called the BJP a snake and a mongoose and created a stampede in it. It is to be known that Maurya is an MLA from the Padrauna assembly seat, located just a short distance from Gorakhpur.
But the claim of Maurya’s supporters is completely opposite to this. According to him, it is the result of Maurya’s rebellion against BJP Hindutva that BJP has to give more than sixty nine percent tickets to OBC and Dalit castes in the first list of one hundred and seven candidates for damage control.
At the same time, he had to give ticket to a Dalit candidate on a general seat and by removing Yogi from Ayodhya, he had to divert the focus from his Hindutva. Otherwise, these supporters ask: When the core committee of the BJP before this rebellion had cleared Yogi’s proposal to contest from Ayodhya and left the final decision to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in the meantime, except for the dissent of the Prime Minister. What happened that Yogi showed his back not only to Ayodhya but also to Mathura, another center of Hindutva?
There is at least so much truth in the claims of Maurya supporters that since he left with them, such discussions were floating in the air that the BJP has realized that whoever it is, Yogi should be removed from that agenda of aggressive Hindutva. There has to be a retreat, which is at the root of this stampede.
The BJP, in its past too, has been creating an illusion of abandoning the Hindutva route to power at every opportunity when it becomes troubled. In the days of the National Democratic Alliance, she had shelved her three big and controversial issues in such a way that many socialists thought she would never go towards them.
After her rebirth on April 6, 1980, after a split in the Janata Party, she had replaced the ideology of Integral Humanism given by Deendayal Upadhyay with Gandhian socialism, and according to many thinkers, had survived by committing suicide at her ghat.
It was only in 2014 when his new hero Narendra Modi changed himself and his cloak and suddenly became ‘Vikas Ke Mahanayak’ and took him to new heights. But by the time of 2017 Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, when his greatness began to open, he had come down to do graveyard vs crematorium and Eid vs Holi Diwali and since people’s displeasure towards Akhilesh government caught in internal quarrels of Samajwadi Party was at its peak, elections Were successful in adapting the results.
But contrary to the claims of Maurya supporters, if experts are to be believed, then without linking this matter to the much publicized Yogi-Modi contradiction of BJP, any analysis related to it cannot be reached to the correct conclusion.
This contradiction actually started when, contrary to Modi’s intentions, say, the BJP’s patriarchal Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh became ‘condescending’ to Yogi Adityanath and he became the chief minister of the state. We know that in spite of all the cover-up efforts since then, this contradiction has been growing, unfolding and turning into a struggle between the ambitions of both Yogi and Modi.
There is no time to go into detail here to enumerate its examples, but it can be understood conclusively that whatever is happening in the BJP in connection with the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections and because of which it is not only with rivals but also at home. It is, in fact, a struggle between two different visible forms of Hindutva sponsored by its two heroes.
The ‘promoter’ of one of these is Narendra Modi, who, at present, also has the support of the country’s corporates. The second form is commanded by a yogi who wants to be a substitute for Modi by imitating his gullible nature, supported by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, who has been uncomfortable with Modi’s behavior since Gujarat’s time.
In these, Hindutva, sponsored by Modi, wants to prolong the life of its power by showing its generosity towards backwards and Dalits on the pretext of their caste, while Yogi’s Hindutva is not ready to ‘digest’ them in that form. Because of this, the Dalits and Backward, feeling insecure with him, feel that the rights of their communities are being looted by gathering them in the name of Hindu.
It is clear from the removal of Yogi from Ayodhya that Modi-sponsored Hindutva, which has been defeated by Yogi’s aggression in Uttar Pradesh, is now preparing to play openly.
But from this it would be wrong to conclude that BJP will remove its tech from Hindutva in the state assembly elections because the Yogi government has kept the development mad in such a way that it has no space to contest the elections on the issue of socio-economic development. There is nothing left.
(The author is a senior journalist.)
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