In the current Indian politics, each party is trying to borrow something or the other from the other party in the exercise of inventing its own successful formula. Today Indian democracy is full of dwindling political options and in the absence of these alternatives, they consider themselves to be alternatives.
Indian politics is now standing at a point from where there is no scope for improvement.
The Congress party has brought the consensus built around the neoliberal model of development to the point where there is no difference of opinion among different political parties on economic policies.
On the other hand, another national party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in the last seven years has been able to bring the consensus on the present society’s imagination to the point where all the major parties are within the bounds of majoritarian cultural nationalism and become ‘competitive’. They are competing to be a part of the ‘Hindutva’ process.
In response to these two attempts to build consensus, regional parties have offered transactional welfarism as their mainstay, directly benefiting the public. He has started various welfare schemes unique in his own right for farmers, students, youth, minorities, Dalit community and women.
To meet the needs of electionism, he has prepared the framework of welfare. Currently each of these groups is learning from and emulating each other.
In the meantime, the Congress has expanded its welfare by jumping into ‘temple politics’ and claims to be a real Hindu by putting forward a janeudhari leader, while the BJP is trying to play the game of creating an atmosphere of welfare with the help of aggressive neo-liberalism. has been.
Regional parties, on the other hand, are influenced by neoliberal agendas and are looking at ways to balance a pan-India Hindu identity with regional characteristics.
Voters are constantly trying to understand this type of competitive politics going on. They seem to be struggling to make a distinction between political parties and look for means by which they can choose the right party to vote for.
On their behalf, there is no difficulty in leaving one party and joining another party because it hardly matters, and the political appeal or attraction of those leaders or public representatives also remains the same.
Defection is not an issue, but the real crisis is a deadlock in political thought/imagination. The focus has therefore shifted more to personalities—such as individual leaders or their personal identities, dynastic politics, oratory, and biographical details. Voters make up their own understanding of what could be the potential difference between parties and leaders based on their performance.
As it is now clear that the BJP is not capable of governing and cannot continue neoliberalism as a long-term policy-frame with the support of select talented leaders, as the Congress did under Manmohan Singh.
That is why the party is now forced to focus alone on the hardcore Hindutva agenda it has already inherited. She is now pursuing Hindutva in an even more aggressive, outspoken and sometimes ridiculous manner.
As elections approach, she becomes distraught and sees Hindu-Muslim communities as the drivers of her election chariot, and when it does not work, she sees nothing, as in Delhi And Bengal It was seen after its failure in the elections of
Yet, the same recipe is repeated in the next elections as well. Its inability to run a government is forcing the party to stretch the discussion and rhetoric of Hindutva to a strange extent, such as Blaming Pakistan for the pollution spreading in Uttar Pradesh.
However, the difficulties faced by the BJP in implementing the development agenda are not a coincidence, but the result of a broader Hindutva fantasy of ruling, weakening citizens, including Hindus, and making them vulnerable, insecure and anxious.
Development cannot take place in an unsafe environment and mediocre governance. This is a structural contradiction that she cannot overcome. The only way to manage this is to create as many narratives as possible about the crisis/emergency or future apprehensions and hope that people will react in a hysterical manner to engage with BJP-RSS politics.
The country’s oldest party, the Congress, has been on the verge of collapse for some time. The Congress dilemma is to some extent the exact opposite of that of the BJP. She understands why she loses the election, due to infighting, allegations of corruption, leadership crisis and failure to live up to expectations. But when she wins, she doesn’t know why she won, as in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. He rarely knows why voters voted for him.
Now it is clear that Congress wins only because the people have no other option. It is only showing dreams of those neo-liberal policies which the BJP is also taking forward.
In fact, most policies, including the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and agricultural laws, were the brainchild of Congress itself.
The Congress is swinging between vague and shaky secularism and attempts to establish its Hindu identity. This situation is the deep crisis in policy and ideological orientations that contributes to the leader’s (leadership) appearance as weak, confused and un-committed.
The Congress has done little to get out of this quagmire and continues to assume that the only option left to the voter due to the BJP’s massive failure to run the government is to win.
In this situation of ‘end of history’ of political thought in Indian politics, regional parties are starting to make their own claims.
In this, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Trinamool Congress are seen shining their chances to win the confidence of the voters. AAP is trying to expand on the basis of the failures of the BJP’s governance and is setting an example of its success in providing better education, health, water and electricity facilities everywhere in Delhi.
Kejriwal has started a new Hindu rage by announcing free travel to religious places. AAP is running on a non-political model of service-delivery based governance, just like Chandrababu Naidu had earlier tried to declare himself as CEO instead of Chief Minister. This model represents the promise of efficient governance that neoliberalism has arrived in India.
The Trinamool Congress (TMC) has a unique history of breaking ties with the Congress and being anti-Left. It not only succeeded in demolishing the fortress of Left politics in Bengal, but also emerged as a leader of new ideas or imagination against the somewhat stereotyped ideas of the Left.
TMC represents the welfare system in which direct benefits of schemes are given to the people and it is trying to grab the leadership by fighting an ideological battle against the autocratic rule of the BJP, although it was not long when it was in alliance with the BJP. .
Given Bengal’s economy, the TMC cannot make tall claims of development, or of efficient governance given the meticulously crafted grassroots leader image of Mamata Banerjee. Therefore, Banerjee’s ideological battle is centered on Modi’s personality and ego on the one hand, and on the other, she is challenging the Congress’ attitude of the opposition to itself.
More than an alternative, TMC and you are but a reflection of the deadlock in Indian politics. They are walking on the same path which is out of fashion. Their appeal is also such that they think more than becoming a political option that the voter has no other option, so they are automatically entitled to get his vote and the voter will vote for him only.
Indian democracy today is full of shrinking political options and in the absence of these alternatives, they consider themselves to be alternatives.
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